Original article in Ukrainian by Stanislav Shumlyansky, for UP
The predictions, that the “humanitarian sphere” (language, in the first place) would for some more time remain uncontrolled by Party of the Regions, have proved to be too optimistic.
On the one hand, the rush of ‘Donetskie’ and the speed, at which they seem to be seizing power in every single sphere, turned out to be a bolt from the blue: the ‘preorange’ events have somehow been put out of mind. Besides, the ‘Regionals’ are said to have drastically changed.
On the other hand, it is hardly surprising.
Or was somebody in earnest about Yanukovych and all the other government representatives bowing and scraping before the President as a display of respect to his presidential power?!
Even if it is so, all the doubts are instantly dispelled along with the follow-up statements and, what is most important, actions performed by the government.
And, it will at the same time become obvious that all the great expectations as to ‘Yanukovych and Co.’ treating the outlined by the president “non-interference zones” (the way to EU and the language issue itself) had no sound basis.
If those, who tend to believe that Ukraine is to follow the lead of all the other post-Soviet republics (even with the “side line of evolution” in the form of Yushchenko) are right, then “russification is already rushing after” the Ukrainians.
In other words, Russian is to become the second official language here, as in Belarus or Kirghizia.
Of course, the problem does not lie in Russian and its becoming the second official language in Ukraine. The problem is what effect it will have on Ukrainian language.
Most Ukrainians are bilingual, and that means we live and we will live in a bilingual country, what the author personally believes to be quite a normal thing.
But the paradox consists in the fact that the legal implementation of this “bilingualism” (and now, the first time within the years of independence, there is a strong probability that this implementation is to become real) is likely to aggravate the status of the language which is now fairly weaker.
However, fortune was well enough disposed towards Ukraine, in contrast to Belarus: Ukrainians had all of these ten years during which the situation in the country has nevertheless changed.
And despite numerous statements on the part of the so-called ‘professional Ukrainians’, the Ukrainian society has gradually adjusted itself to thinking, speaking and reading Ukrainian. Even in the Crimea Region Ukrainian is not anymore treated as an odd and uncommon language.
So, if Byelorussian is likely to stop being the nation’s literary language within the span of few decades, and only exist at a level of rural dialects or as a language of some ardent patriots, Ukrainian, on its part, is lucky enough not to be facing the prospect of such an ill fate.
Ukraine has never lacked for patriots: it is them who have always been fearlessly struggling for the language at different times and under different political powers.
But now, for the first time in the history, apart from those ready to struggle for the language, there are plenty of people for whom Ukrainian is not only a noble idea, but also an essential part of their own lives.
Sound recording studios and small advertising agencies, various communities and music bands, publishing houses and radio stations, producer agencies and web design studios, journalists and poets, lawyers and managers, programmers and showmen: thousands of creative and organizational units, groups and bodies.
They (we) all have been neglected by the Ukrainian Vice Premier, Mykola Azarov, when commenting on the government’s intention to elevate the status of Russian to a second state language, he promised that he would only take account of the President’s and coalition members’ opinion.
But Mykola Yanovych does not travel by the underground, and obviously, takes too short walks along the streets: that is why he took no notice of the first signs of this Ukrainian-speaking, or sooner, ‘Ukrainian-disposed’ community.
In case the Ukrainian language is put under a serious threat of being forced out by the government, this community will be able to give a proper response and would go beyond picketing, round tables and appeals.
The community will resort to various performances and new CDs releases, concerts and festivals, and, when necessary, clever post cards and flash mobs.
This is going to be a “one-hryvnia-per-head” campaign, which in the end will make up a considerable stock, allowing grants for those aimed at acting for the common good: the language support. Their objective will above all consist in influencing the society: those, who has never regarded the fact of belonging to the Ukrainian-speaking community as something essential, and those, Russian-speaking, who also consider Ukrainian to be their mother tongue, being nevertheless unable to use this language.
But what are Ukrainians to expect, if the status of Russian is finally elevated to a state language? The status of Ukrainian will undoubtedly go downhill, but on the whole, as paradoxically as it might seem, the situation will become more or less defined.
After the two languages have officially been placed on the same footing, it will no longer be possible to switch public attention from real-life problems, which millions of Ukrainian-speaking people are daily confronted by, to formal problem of the legal status.
Considering the fact that the status of Ukrainian will objectively take a turn for the worse, we may well suppose that the above-mentioned Ukrainian-speaking community will call forth all its energy and bring the situation to a head. And in this case, its demands and actions will be regarded as reasonable by a greater number of the Russian-speaking people.
Thus, strange as it may seem, it is for the first time in the history of Ukrainian independence that there is a good likelihood of a real public dialogue appearing in the language sphere. This is going to be a dialog of interests and viewpoints between the communities of both languages, and not a dialog between politicians, who, until now, used to refer themselves to these communities.
At the same time, there is a less joyous scenario. One would not wish to think of it as something real. Nevertheless, it should be borne in mind as a possible variant.
Ukrainian politicians are used to treating the “language problem” as if it was their personal belonging: whenever they want, they take it out, use it and put it back until next time.
But over the past few years, the Ukrainian society has encountered several changes, which tend to significantly complicate the language issue on the part of the politicians, and every single case of manipulating this issue tends to gradually increase the severity of consequences that follow.
There is an example suggesting the realization of the virtual scenario of “Ukrainian disunity”: over the last four years, Ukraine, being a country of the regions which differ, has split into two pieces, the process of “seaming” or “patching” of which is considered to be the key task of every politician.
The thing one is supposed to do is to complete and develop what has already been achieved: and the Ukrainians (i.e. the citizens of Ukraine) will soon be divided into ‘one’s own people’ and ‘strangers’. Ukrainian- and Russian-speaking people will then treat each other with animosity, and the trips to Rivne or Gorlivka will be regarded as a sortie made in the enemy's rear. At the same time, the press is beginning to compare Ukrainians with Serbians and Croats…
This is the ‘direct voltage’ situation, which is beneficial for Party of the Regions. This issue was already covered by Ukrayinska Pravda a few months ago.
So if people are not at all satisfied with such a course of events, what are they to expect in such a case?
First of all, they should be happy that Ukraine is not Belarus, and that it will never be, no matter how dull or, what is more, criminal the government becomes. We all have gained and now possess some experience, technologies and information possibilities, which altogether make up a joint potential of our language.
And what is more, one should for some time forget about controversy and envy, which have always been the major Ukrainian problem. Just the way animals forget about their own tastes in food, being under the threat of a natural disaster, which does not spare a thing.
It is not about organizing another political party. It is just enough to be glad that some of us, who, generally speaking, work for the welfare of the Ukrainian language, achieve much success.
And what we have to do is to treat this success as something common, and we should always be able to support those who need help the most: because everybody will realize that it can happen to him/her as well.
To everybody’s surprise, we managed to demonstrate this ability back in 2004. That time we joined our hands, by no means willing to assist Viktor Andriyovych with employment.
For the last few years we have finally stopped being a minority. In a psychological meaning, first of all. In particular, it has taken place in Kiev, although the Russian language here is more frequently spoken.
So, it means that being able to join together and help each other, we should in no way separate from a “hostile environment”, which has traditionally been considered to be both a danger and a curse for the minority.
So, as somebody wise said, sweep before your own door, in order to achieve great triumphs.
Stanislav Shumlyansky, a political scientist, journalist, director of “Molode Radio” radio station for Ukrainian music. For Ukrayinska Pravda and “Telekrytyka”.
